22/12/2025
PART THREE.
Oromo Views of Women’s Reproductive Rights
Waayyu/ Wayyooma is another important concept entrenched as one of the major building blocks of Oromoo worldview. The literal meaning of the word Waayyu is closely related to ‘highly sacred/ blessed’ (Østebø 2009). It indicates special respect from God. The notion of Waayyu conveyed the level of high respect shown to honoured people or things, including the below-specified categories of women. Hence, they are entitled to high status and honour of Waayyu in their relationship with people (Qashu 2016). Accordingly, God, land, cattle, elder, father, customary law are part of Waayyu (Østebø 2009). According to Leila Qashu, Waayyu and Safuu are different but related concepts: Waayyu can be used to describe someone or something that is blessed, but Safuu is a moral and ethical code that is part of the Oromoo law system (Qashu 2016). For instance, a father is considered Waayyu and so beating him would be Safuu. The Waayyu concept among Oromoo is extended to women of different status such as female in-laws, a woman who gave birth, a mother, a married woman, a virgin girl, a pregnant woman, a woman who wears the Qannafaa (adornment symbolising postpartum women), a woman who wears Hanfala (fertility leather belt worn by married women), and a woman who holds Siinqee (stick of symbol of marriage) are Waayyu (Qashu 2016). Disrespect shown to women, who are Waayyu, can be seen as a breach of Safuu in customary law and the law of Waaqa (Østebø 2009). Overall, the Oromoo world view places women as the centre of human dignity and sympathy that represents nature on the earth (Qashu 2016).
Image 4: Qanafaa adornment
Conceptually, Qannafaa is an institution of post-partum mother that entitles her to privileges and protects her from any harm. The Qannafaa insignia is tied on the head of postnatal women during the bathing ceremony called Nafa Dhiqaa (body wash). A woman wears Qannafaa on their forehead so that everyone can identify that she has an infant of less than six months. During this period, such a woman is Waayyu (sacred/blessed and respected) (Amid 2021). Women during Qannafaa period are seen as closer to their divinities or spiritual worlds than any other time. The insignia is tied on her head on the fourth or fifth day after the birth of the child (Ruda 1993). The mother who has born two children wears two Qannafaa. The first postpartum period, which lasts up to eight weeks following childbirth is called Ulmaa period. During this period, a woman is weak and vulnerable because of what she experienced during childbirth. As a result, she needs special care from her husband, family and community. She is not allowed to go far away from her home. A woman who wears Qannafaa is given priority in any services and she is considered a sign of good luck for a person who comes to her on the way (Amid 2021). During the Qannafaa period, all people are expected to please the mother and avoid annoying or mistreating her, more than at any other period. She is prohibited from engaging in labour work that endangers her health. It serves as the modern maternal leave from domestic or indoor activities, but the concept and protection of Qannafaa is beyond maternal leave (Amid 2021).
Violating rituals and rules of Qannafaa provokes the village women to call for women to protest to Ateete Demsisaa (go to Atete for complaints). If someone abuses Qannafaa woman physically or verbally, she grabs her Siinqee (marriage stick), screams and walks out ululating ‘elel elel elel’ (Amid 2021). Then, all neighbouring women in the village get together and protest the offence through iyya Siiqqee (Siiqqee screaming). Then, they proceed to Ateete Demsisa procedure to resolve the dispute. The wrongdoer is expected to apologise either by presenting a cow or calf for sacrifice for a feast for the women or buying thick cotton cloth (gaabii) for the woman he/she abused. The wrongdoer is punished depending on the severity of his offence and economic capacity. During the ritual, if the cow or calf is slaughtered, each woman splits and ties the skin at the top of their Siinqee (marriage stick) to symbolise their participation in ensuring the right of access to justice for Qannafaa women. However, if the offender fails to admit or show regret for his offence, as discussed earlier, the women impose a more serious curse called abaarsa Siinqee (the curse of Siinqee) (Amid 2021). Qannafaa indicates that women in the postpartum period have Wayyuu (highest dignity), on the one hand, and are defenceless, weak and more vulnerable than ordinary times, on the other hand. In such a case, women collectively stand for their rights to deter the wrongdoer and other persons from doing the same abuse (Amid 2021).
Reproductive rights are part and parcel of women’s rights recognised in different human rights instruments including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (Assembly 1979) and Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (Resolution 1993). Article 14 of the 2003 Maputo Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa provides an extensive list of the right to reproductive health (Union 2003). This right includes women’s right to control their fertility; the right to decide whether to have children, the number of children and the spacing of children; the right to choose any method of contraception; the right to self-protection and to be protected against s*xually transmitted infections, special protection for the pregnant and postnatal mother and the right to have family planning education. The protocol is the only international human rights instrument that allows the right to abortion under exceptional circumstances. Ethiopia is one of the state parties that have ratified the protocol (Union 2003).
Among the Oromoo, artisans are known as Ogeeyyii (experts). Women Ogeeyyii engage in midwifery and healing (Wayessa 2010). In this regard, the Oromoo have their worldview about reproductive rights. The Oromoo culture disregards premarital s*x by encouraging virginity. This custom helps to prevent s*xual exploitation, s*xually transmitted diseases, child pregnancy and maternal and child mortalities (Amid 2021). Moreover, the Oromoo culture promotes a pro-life approach. Abortion is considered a sin committed against life created by Waaqa/ God. Premarital s*x and out-of-wedlock pregnancy are considered violations of Safuu and, hence, it is a shame for her family and clan. Consequently, abstinence is the sole principle for unmarried girls among the Oromoo. Once the girl is married, she is encouraged to give birth. Several Oromoo women's institutions are attached to praising and praying for fertility. Ateete Deessu, Qannafaa, Harka Fuuchaa, Faatimaayyee and Liqaa can be mentioned as examples. Such praying is organised to give special protection, honour and treatment to women concerned. This custom helps to ensure the physical and mental reproductive health rights of them (Amid 2021).
Oromoo culture provides restrictions to ensure spacing of children. For instance, a husband is prohibited from s*xual in*******se during the Qannafaa period, and the period is extended to ten months after childbirth. A husband attempting to engage in s*xual in*******se with his wife during this period is customarily considered to be committing a transgression against women’s rights. The prohibition indirectly guarantees protection from marital r**e temporarily and spacing among children as a tool of family planning (Amid 2021).
Last, but not least, the Aseennaa/Addabaanaa form of marriage is customarily allowed for women to ensure their reproductive rights. If a girl remains unmarried for a long period and wants to have a child, she may unilaterally decide and go for Addabaanaa/Aseennaa by taking Siinqee stick even without knowledge of the intended boy and his family. The Oromoo culture proscribes a child born outside wedlock and entitles Aseennaa, a form of marriage, to the girl as a remedy for such prohibition. Moreover, if a woman’s age is close to the menopausal period, Aseennaa/Addabaanaa is considered a necessary measure to ensure the procreation of a child. Culturally, the family of the intended husband and the boy should accept such a marriage proposal. Failure to accept such a proposal usually amounts to transgression of the customs of society and leads to ostracism (Ruda 1993).
In today’s world, women continue to face discrimination, violation, and abuse both within society and the healthcare system. A growing body of literature refers to this form of mistreatment in maternity care as obstetric violence—a widespread yet often overlooked human rights issue (WHO 2014, WHO 2018, Yohannes, Moti et al. 2024). A study conducted in Addis Ababa reported that 77.8% of women experienced at least one form of obstetric violence during childbirth in public hospitals (Simeneh, Tesema et al. 2024). Despite its prevalence, many countries, including Ethiopia, lack clear policies or accountability mechanisms to address such violence, leaving women particularly vulnerable. Although Ethiopia’s healthcare system currently struggles to adequately respond to this challenge, the nation is rooted in strong traditional systems such as the Gadaa system, which historically upheld the dignity and protection of women. The study highlights the urgent need for policies addressing such violations within Ethiopia's healthcare system. Thus, I urge Ethiopian healthcare providers to draw inspiration from our Indigenous values and cultural heritage and treat women with the respect, compassion, and justice they deserve.
