PNG Anti-Corruption Movement for Change

PNG Anti-Corruption Movement for Change Exposing the Truth and Secrecy about Corruption in Papua New Guinea without fear or favour. Think Change - Think Anti - Corruption

The Unbreakable Tribal Bond: Why Sam Koim's National Stature Faces Its Greatest Test in Dei Politics The political spotl...
14/12/2025

The Unbreakable Tribal Bond: Why Sam Koim's National Stature Faces Its Greatest Test in Dei Politics

The political spotlight in Papua New Guinea has turned decisively towards the Dei by-election, drawn by the high-profile candidacy of Sam Koim. Known nationally as a formidable anti-corruption advocate and former head of the Internal Revenue Commission, Koim represents a potent symbol of change for many citizens weary of poor governance and corruption. His entry into the race has been marked by large convoys and declarations of support from across the nation, framing his campaign as a national mission. However, this very national stature is colliding with the immutable social fabric of Western Highlands politics, where leadership is not bestowed by national reputation but earned through a lifetime of shared existence among the common folks. In Western Highlands, a candidate's credibility is not printed on a CV; it is etched into the daily lives of the people through presence, sacrifice, and an unbreakable tribal bond.

The central, formidable reality for any candidate in Western Highlands is the primal force of tribal loyalty. Each of the 25 candidates contesting the Dei seat is, first and foremost, the son of a specific tribe. Their connection is not political but familial. They are men who have slept in the same villages, eaten from the same pots, stood shoulder-to-shoulder in times of conflict with their fellow brothers, and contributed to funeral costs and compensation payments. This creates a covenant that transcends politics. For a voter to defect from their tribe's candidate and give their vote to an outsider, even one as accomplished as Sam Koim, is not merely a political choice; it is perceived as a profound act of betrayal against family and identity. The voting bloc is thus not a voluntary coalition but an extension of kinship. This makes Sam Koim's task exceptionally difficult; securing votes requires not just persuading individuals but convincing entire tribal units to break a deep-seated social contract, a move that carries heavy relational consequences long after the election.

Therefore, the pathway to victory in this environment is not paved with policy papers or national celebrity. It is walked barefoot through the mud of everyday life. The leadership revered here is modelled not on the corporate CEO but on the village elder. It is a leadership of constant proximity. Successful candidates are those who have been physically present for years, sharing burdens. They are the ones who contribute the kina for a coffin, who mediate in a land dispute, who sit for hours listening to community grievances over a shared cup of coffee. Their authority springs from a demonstrated willingness to carry the weight of their people's problems long before asking for their votes. This ethos mirrors the sacrificial leadership of great civil rights leaders like Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King Jr or Mahatma Gandhi, who earned moral authority through shared suffering and struggle, not through professional titles. In Dei, a leader must be of the people in the most literal sense, having lived their story to earn the right to represent it.

This presents Sam Koim with a defining paradox. His greatest asset—his national prestige as a clean and efficient administrator—may be viewed with skepticism in a context that prioritizes local intimacy over external validation. If his campaign is perceived as being primarily driven by his national popularity or his past high office, it may be interpreted as being for the wrong reasons. The critical, unanswered question for many voters will be: "Where has he been?" Has Sam Koim, during his years of national service, also been a constant son of Dei? Has he built the necessary relational capital across various tribes by participating in the unglamorous, essential rituals of community life? His ability to demonstrate a history of on-the-ground solidarity, rather than just a promise of future performance, will determine whether he is seen as a returning son or an outside executive.

The Dei by-election, therefore, transcends a simple political contest. It is a clash between two powerful conceptions of leadership: the modern, professional model that Papua New Guinea as a nation may crave, and the ancient, relational model that its local heartlands still demand. Sam Koim’s candidacy tests whether a figure celebrated on the national stage can successfully navigate the intricate, tribal pathways to power. The result will reveal whether trust built in the halls of national institutions can compete with trust forged in the communal village. The nation awaits to see if a leader for all of Papua New Guinea can first prove himself to be a leader of a single, fiercely loyal district.

By Wanpis Tep

PNG Anti-Corruption Movement for Change PNG Needs Radical Leaders

13/12/2025
Is what PNG has achieved over the course of its 50 years?? Indeed very scary scene!!
13/12/2025

Is what PNG has achieved over the course of its 50 years?? Indeed very scary scene!!

13/12/2025
The Dei Dilemma: Can Sam Koim’s National Appeal Overcome Western Highlands' Political Realities?The nomination of former...
12/12/2025

The Dei Dilemma: Can Sam Koim’s National Appeal Overcome Western Highlands' Political Realities?

The nomination of former IRC Commissioner General Sam Koim for the Dei Open by-election has electrified the national political scene. Images of massive convoys and huge crowds signal a powerful, grassroots momentum behind his candidacy. Across Papua New Guinea, many see in Koim a long-awaited hope—a figure known for integrity, poised to bring a new kind of leadership to Parliament. However, his journey leads into the heart of Western Highlands Province, a political landscape with its own deeply entrenched rules. The burning question is whether a candidate propelled by a national cry for clean governance can succeed in a system where the relationship between voters and candidates is often defined by a single, potent local term: "John Kengel".

To outsiders, "John Kengel" (JK) might be misunderstood as a simple reference to name of a person. In reality, it defines a far more active and ingrained system. A John Kengel is not a name of a person itself, but the individual—the voter—who chases after a candidate's wealth, seeking immediate material favors, gifts, or cash during the campaign period. This pursuit creates the transactional engine of Western Highlands politics. Campaigns become less about debates and manifestos and more about a candidate's demonstrated capacity and willingness to provide kago (goods) and direct financial support for things like funeral expenses, festival contributions, or community events. This dynamic explains why highly educated candidates like Professor John Nonggorr have historically struggled in the Western Highlands Regional seat. Their qualifications and policy visions cannot compete in a marketplace where votes are often secured through immediate, personal disbursement rather than long-term national promise.

The Dei by-election is not a simple head-to-head contest; it is a complex puzzle of a field of 25 well established candidates on their own right, each with their own claim to the seat. This crowded field fundamentally shapes the political calculus and amplifies the power of the John Kengel system. The general practice is for tribes to deliver block votes for their own son. With so many candidates—including former two term MP Wesley Nukundi, Brian Parua, son of the first Dei MP; Edwin Ulg, son of a former Deputy Administrator; Nikints Tiptip, a well respected journalist; Desmond Paul Kipa, an established lawyer; and other well established candidates —the tribal vote is intensely fragmented.

This fragmentation makes the transactional politics of vote-swaying not just common, but essential for victory. A candidate cannot win on their tribal base alone. They must financially lure voters from other tribes in the final, decisive hours of campaigning. This environment favors those with the deepest pockets or the most persuasive promises of immediate reward. It is the arena where persistent contenders like Thomas Jim Nori, Tom Plang, James Pini, Tui Ekil, and Nikints Tiptip, who understand this game intimately, operate. The sheer number of candidates turns the election into a high-stakes auction where policy is drowned out by a chorus of personal patronage.

Within this crowded field, a critical sub-plot emerges. Both Sam Koim and one of his main perceived rivals, Jeremiah Pim son of the late MP steven Pim, hail from the same Rologa tribe. This creates a unique challenge: the potential for a split in their natural tribal base vote. While block voting is the norm, a split within a major tribe can be catastrophic under traditional models, as it dilutes the power of that bloc. This scenario places immense pressure on both candidates to reach far beyond their tribal boundaries, forcing them to compete directly in the wider transactional marketplace for votes from other clans. It also opens a door for a dark horse candidate. Many observers point to Desmond Kipa as a potential beneficiary. With his strong professional reputation, and a large tribal support base of his own, he is positioned to consolidate support if the vote among other frontrunners fractures along tribal or financial lines.

The Dei by-election is more than a local contest. It is a test of political values for Papua New Guinea. Sam Koim's candidacy, set against a backdrop of twenty-five other contenders and the relentless logic of the John Kengel system, poses a fundamental question: can a leader known for competence and integrity triumph in a system optimized for fragmented tribalism and immediate reciprocity? His path to victory requires not just inspiring a national movement, but navigating a splintered tribal landscape and overcoming the direct, cash-based appeals of numerous local favorites. If he succeeds, it would be a victory against formidable odds, challenging the very mechanics of Western Highlands politics. If he falls short, it will reinforce the sobering reality that in a crowded field where every tribe has its own champion, the politics of transaction remains the most common language. The nation is watching to see which force—national hope or localized habit—will prove stronger in the dark valleys of Dei.

By John Kengel "JK"

PNG Anti-Corruption Movement for Change PNG Needs Radical Leaders

The Dei Dilemma: Can Sam Koim’s National Appeal Overcome Western Highlands' Political Realities?The nomination of former...
12/12/2025

The Dei Dilemma: Can Sam Koim’s National Appeal Overcome Western Highlands' Political Realities?

The nomination of former IRC Commissioner General Sam Koim for the Dei Open by-election has electrified the national political scene. Images of massive convoys and huge crowds signal a powerful, grassroots momentum behind his candidacy. Across Papua New Guinea, many see in Koim a long-awaited hope—a figure known for integrity, poised to bring a new kind of leadership to Parliament. However, his journey leads into the heart of Western Highlands Province, a political landscape with its own deeply entrenched rules. The burning question is whether a candidate propelled by a national cry for clean governance can succeed in a system where the relationship between voters and candidates is often defined by a single, potent local term: *John Kengel*.

To outsiders, *"John Kengel" (JK)* might be misunderstood as a simple reference to name of a person. In reality, it defines a far more active and ingrained system. A John Kengel is not a name of a person itself, but the individual—the voter—who chases after a candidate's wealth, seeking immediate material favors, gifts, or cash during the campaign period. This pursuit creates the transactional engine of Western Highlands politics. Campaigns become less about debates and manifestos and more about a candidate's demonstrated capacity and willingness to provide kago (goods) and direct financial support for things like funeral expenses, festival contributions, or community events. This dynamic explains why highly educated candidates like Professor John Nonggorr have historically struggled in the Western Highlands Regional seat. Their qualifications and policy visions cannot compete in a marketplace where votes are often secured through immediate, personal disbursement rather than long-term national promise.

The Dei by-election is not a simple head-to-head contest; it is a complex puzzle of a field of 25 well established candidates on their own right, each with their own claim to the seat. This crowded field fundamentally shapes the political calculus and amplifies the power of the John Kengel system. The general practice is for tribes to deliver block votes for their own son. With so many candidates—including former two term MP Wesley Nukundi, Brian Parua, son of the first Dei MP; Edwin Ulg, son of a former Deputy Administrator; Nikints Tiptip, a well respected journalist; Desmond Paul Kipa, an established lawyer; and other well established candidates —the tribal vote is intensely fragmented.

This fragmentation makes the transactional politics of vote-swaying not just common, but essential for victory. A candidate cannot win on their tribal base alone. They must financially lure voters from other tribes in the final, decisive hours of campaigning. This environment favors those with the deepest pockets or the most persuasive promises of immediate reward. It is the arena where persistent contenders like Thomas Jim Nori, Tom Plang, James Pini, Tui Ekil, and Nikints Tiptip, who understand this game intimately, operate. The sheer number of candidates turns the election into a high-stakes auction where policy is drowned out by a chorus of personal patronage.

Within this crowded field, a critical sub-plot emerges. Both Sam Koim and one of his main perceived rivals, Jeremiah Pim son of the late MP steven Pim, hail from the same Rologa tribe. This creates a unique challenge: the potential for a split in their natural tribal base vote. While block voting is the norm, a split within a major tribe can be catastrophic under traditional models, as it dilutes the power of that bloc. This scenario places immense pressure on both candidates to reach far beyond their tribal boundaries, forcing them to compete directly in the wider transactional marketplace for votes from other clans. It also opens a door for a dark horse candidate. Many observers point to Desmond Kipa as a potential beneficiary. With his strong professional reputation, and a large tribal support base of his own, he is positioned to consolidate support if the vote among other frontrunners fractures along tribal or financial lines.

The Dei by-election is more than a local contest. It is a test of political values for Papua New Guinea. Sam Koim's candidacy, set against a backdrop of twenty-five other contenders and the relentless logic of the John Kengel system, poses a fundamental question: can a leader known for competence and integrity triumph in a system optimized for fragmented tribalism and immediate reciprocity? His path to victory requires not just inspiring a national movement, but navigating a splintered tribal landscape and overcoming the direct, cash-based appeals of numerous local favorites. If he succeeds, it would be a victory against formidable odds, challenging the very mechanics of Western Highlands politics. If he falls short, it will reinforce the sobering reality that in a crowded field where every tribe has its own champion, the politics of transaction remains the most common language. The nation is watching to see which force—national hope or localized habit—will prove stronger in the dark valleys of Dei.

By John Kengel "JK"

PNG Anti-Corruption Movement for Change

16/08/2025

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