Mid-Missouri History Associates

Mid-Missouri History Associates The home for central Missouri History and Research and the podcast: Chasing Memory!

05/05/2026

The Story of Lewis "Lick" Martin, a central Missouri World War I veteran and hero.

As I work on the closing chapter of Reverend Hardin, I wanted to bring to you the story of a man about whom I've been wa...
05/03/2026

As I work on the closing chapter of Reverend Hardin, I wanted to bring to you the story of a man about whom I've been wanting to write for a while. A World War I hero, he's buried close to the main road of Sunset Hills. While you wait patiently for the final installment of Reverent Hardin, I am please to bring to you the story of Lewis "Lick" Martin.

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Close to the flagpole at Sunset Hills Cemetery, at the base of a hill along the road that exits the grounds, stands the gravestone of Lewis Martin. It is a military headstone, denoting a man whose World War I service belonged to the 369th Infantry Regiment of the 93rd Division—a unit known as the Harlem Hellfighters, and perhaps the most decorated Black American combat unit of the war.

Who was Lewis Martin? How did he come to serve in a unit associated with a state in the Northeast? How did he come to rest in Boonville?

The simple—and perhaps surprising—answer is that he was a native of Boonville.

Born in either 1887 or 1888, little is known of his early life until the census of 1900. At that time, he appears in a household led by his mother, Lou Martin, a forty-year-old woman born around 1859. The details of that household reflect the instability that often followed emancipation. Lou could not identify the states of birth for either of her parents, nor could she provide the months of birth for her children. She was widowed, renting her home, and working as a washerwoman—a job that required long hours for very little pay.

Her household was one of necessity.

Her oldest son, Henry, born in 1874, was already an adult. He was listed as divorced, literate, and employed as a servant—contributing to the family’s income. A daughter, aged fourteen, was attending school and could read and write. Louis, at twelve, was not literate and was already at work as a servant, his education apparently sacrificed to help sustain the household. The youngest child, Nellie, age ten, remained at home and was also illiterate.

The census noted that Lou had given birth to five children, all of whom were living. Yet only four appear in the household. The fifth had likely already left—married, working, or otherwise beyond the reach of that enumeration. For now, that absence remains unresolved.

It was a household shaped by labor and survival for the provision of stability. And yet, sometime in the first decade of the twentieth century, something changed. Lewis Martin learned to read and write.

And he married.

On August 21, 1909, Lewis Martin married Julia Crittenden in Boonville. The marriage was one of several performed in a short span of time by Rev. Moore of the Second Baptist Church on Morgan Street—part of an effort to formalize relationships that had long existed outside the bounds of law. It suggests that Lewis and Julia were not beginning something new, but rather giving legal (and moral according to Reverend Moore) shape to something already established.

By 1910, Lewis was living in the household of his father-in-law, John Crittenden, a widower. The home was located in East Boonville, along the waterfront—a part of town far more segregated than the Locust Street neighborhood of his childhood. There, within a predominantly Black community, Lewis occupied a different social space. He was no longer a child laborer. He was a husband, a wage earner, and, now, a literate man. He worked as a laborer cleaning the city streets. His wages were the only financial means for his household as neither his 74 year old father-in-law, his wife, or his 11 year old brother-in-law are listed as having occupations. Though not the head of the household in name, he was acting as such in providing the support for the family.

No real trace of Lewis Martin finds its way into the newspapers or the public record from until 1917. By then United States had entered the First World War, and Lewis Martin entered the Army. He would serve in Company D of the 369th Infantry Regiment, part of the 93rd Division—a unit composed of Black soldiers, many of whom would fight under French command.

In the spring of 1918, he left the United States as part of a replacement draft detachment organized at Camp Funston, passing through the Port of Embarkation at Hoboken, New Jersey. Within days of arriving in France, he was sent to the front.

A newspaper account written in March of 1919, shortly after his return home, offers the earliest description of his service. It places him on the Champagne front, serving in a machine gun company and carrying one of the French automatic weapons used by the regiment. The account describes a soldier moving forward through trenches and into No Man’s Land, engaging German forces and returning with prisoners. It also notes that he had received the French Croix de Guerre for bravery.

More than a decade later, at the time of his death in 1931, a second version of that story appeared in print. It was more detailed—more personal. In that telling, Lewis Martin, known locally as “Lick,” had fallen into trouble while in camp. Sent forward as punishment, he was placed in a dangerous outpost at the front. There, under bombardment, he carried messages between units. At one point, he encountered a German machine gun position. Rather than retreat, he advanced. When the encounter was over, several Germans lay dead, and others had surrendered. He returned to his lines with prisoners ahead of him.

The details of that account—like many stories told after the fact—may have grown in the telling. But its core does not stand alone. It rests on what was already being said in 1919: that Lewis Martin had faced the enemy under fire, and that he had distinguished himself in doing so.

Both accounts agree on one point. He was a soldier who had gone forward and come back.

He returned to the United States in February of 1919, landing in New York after departing from Brest, France. Within weeks, he was back in Boonville. And there, the life he resumed bore little resemblance to the one he had briefly built a decade earlier.

By 1920, Lewis Martin was once again living in his mother’s household, now on Fourth Street. His marriage had ended. The census record—though inconsistently transcribed—appears to mark him as divorced. No children are recorded. We do not know when the marriage ended. We do not know why. Only that it had. He was working as a laborer in an ice cream factory, earning wages in the same town in which he had been born, raised, and—despite everything—had remained.

In January of 1931, the household changed once more. His mother, Lou Martin - “Aunt Lou” to those who knew her - died at her home on Elm Street. She had lived a long life, one that stretched from slavery into the twentieth century, raising her children through labor and persistence. It was the first of two major blows to the family. Six weeks later, Lewis followed.

The World War I veteran died on February 20, 1931, at approximately forty-two years of age. The cause was pneumonia and influenza. At the time of his death, local newspapers noted that he was a World War I veteran and that he “held one of the highest honors a soldier was able to earn—the Croix de Guerre.”

Plans were considered for a military burial. But they could not be carried out. The local post of the American Legion, lacking rifles and ammunition, was unable to provide the full honors typically afforded to a soldier. The man who had crossed an ocean, who had stood in the trenches of France, and who had been remembered—at least in print—for acts of bravery under fire, was buried without them.

For a time, even that memory faded.

In 1938, seven years after his death, an application was submitted for a government-issued headstone. It came not from an official body, but from his sister, Mary McFadden. Through that act, his service was formally acknowledged, and a marker was placed at his grave.

Today, that stone stands at Sunset Hills Cemetery where it marks a soldier of the 369th Infantry and a veteran of the Great War. But it does not tell the whole of his life.

It does not tell of a boy who could not read, or of a mother who worked to hold a household together. It does not tell of the brief stability he found—and the loss that followed. It does not tell of a man who moved between different worlds, never leaving the same town. It marks where he lies...but not the distance he traveled to get there.

The details of his life can never completely be filled in, but his story is amazing nonetheless...and I am happy that I was able to share it with you.

Thanks for reading,

Eric, M2 Historian

In 1897, Reverend Hardin Smith conducted funeral services for Eliza Bowles, the wife of Pharaoh Bowles. It was among the...
05/02/2026

In 1897, Reverend Hardin Smith conducted funeral services for Eliza Bowles, the wife of Pharaoh Bowles. It was among the first items in the local newspapers for which he was mentioned as he returned to Boonville for what would be a six year term as pastor of that church. Graveside services were held at Sunset Hills Cemetery.

As I have mentioned in earlier posts, these narratives often times give us a chance to reveal the lives of people who were peripheral characters in the story, but who led very real lives all of their own. In this case, Pharaoh and Eliza Bowles are characters about whom very little information is available. Both were elderly when Hardin Smith returned to Boonville and were most certainly born into slavery.

The couple first appears in the 1870 census, five years after Emancipation. They are enumerated as living in the Moniteau Township of Cooper County. He is listed as working on a farm with a personal estate valued at $150. His wife, roughly ten years his senior, is noted as keeping house.

By 1890, their living situation was vastly different. No longer working on a farm, they appeared to have taken ownership of their own. It is there in June of that year that Pharaoh first appears in the local newspapers when a man named John Lacenberry was noted as having passed away at 85 years of age. The notice stated that he lived in a cabin on the farm of Pharaoh Bowles some three miles south of town and had been living there for some time.

No further mention is found until September 1897, when local papers carried the news of the death of his wife, Eliza, which occurred on August 27, of that year. She died on that farm, today located just south of where Billingsville Road meets with Highway B. The newspaper "The Independent" described Pharaoh and Eliza as very respectable "colored people." The religious services took place on Saturday evening (28 August) at the family residence. As noted earlier, they were conducted by Hardin Smith. Both individuals were members of the Morgan Street Baptist Church, of which he was the pastor. The Central Missouri Republican, in its September 9 publication, identified the area as "Crawford's Bridge" and stated that the couple had many warm friends both among their own people and among the whites. Pharaoh was referred to as "Uncle" in that article, a sobriquet often reserved for known and respected African-Americans at the time.

Eliza's tombstone is easily found in Sunset Hills. It gives her birthdate as April 16, 1822. At the top of the stone in faded words appear to be the phrase "Thy Will Be Done." The stone is ornate, considering the state of many other individuals buried close by, suggesting moderate means.

Eliza's death brought about a change for Pharaoh. The 1900 census enumerates him as a widower living not on a farm south of town, but in Boonville city-limits. It is here that we first examine his reported birthdate, June of 1831. He identified at that time that his father was born in Kentucky and his mother in Viriginia. His birthplace was in Missouri. At this time, he resided on Morgan Street in Ward 1 of the city and lived with Charles Bowles. Though only seven years his senior, Pharaoh was listed as his uncle. Charles himself was a widower, his wife having died in 1899.

The story of Pharaoh Bowles comes to an end in the March 4, 1904 issue of the Boonville Daily News and Advertiser. There it was announced that he had passed away after an illness of two weeks on February 29, 1904 (it was a leap year). Funeral Services were held Tuesday, March 1 at the Morgan Street Baptist Church. Services were officiated by Reverend Prowell, who had taken over from the departed Reverend Hardin Smith.

Pharaoh was noted as being one of the most respected colored citizens of the county. However, returning to his stone at Sunset Hills, something is observed. We know he is buried beside his wife. Their foot stones are labeled "E B" and "P B." But Pharaoh's information is absent from the headstone. Perhaps lacking funds, he had been laid to rest and the tombstone which he had begun for his wife seven years previous remained unfinished. It is still in this state today, standing upright, and carrying with it memories that - save for what is recorded here - are lost to history.

Reverend Hardin SmithPart II – A Shepherd in Boonville1897–1903In May of 1897, Reverend Hardin Smith returned to Boonvil...
05/01/2026

Reverend Hardin Smith
Part II – A Shepherd in Boonville
1897–1903

In May of 1897, Reverend Hardin Smith returned to Boonville.

The Morgan Street Baptist Church had called him back to the pulpit he once held, and by early summer he was formally installed once more as its pastor. There was familiarity in the role, but the city he stepped into—and the expectations placed upon him—would soon demand far more than routine ministry.

From the beginning, his work extended outward.
That summer, his name appeared not only in church notices, but among those gathered for the Colored Teachers’ Institute, where educators from across the region met to discuss their work. Within his own congregation, he helped organize efforts to provide clothing for poor children—ensuring they could attend school. By the fall, Morgan Street Baptist was hosting dinners and concerts for the same purpose, blending faith with practical support.

These were not isolated acts. They were the early signs of a ministry rooted as much in community life as in the pulpit.

Through 1898, that presence became constant.
Smith traveled when called, officiating funerals in neighboring towns while maintaining his place in Boonville. Within the city, he appeared regularly in the columns of the local papers—not for a single defining moment, but for steady, repeated work. One report described him as “much respected,” and those whom he married, counseled, and for whom he served as a shepherd could not help but agree.

By 1899, revival meetings at Morgan Street brought new members into the church, with reports noting dozens of baptisms. At the same time, his role expanded beyond the local level. He attended district gatherings, traveled to association meetings, and was elected Corresponding Secretary of the Colored Baptist Association—placing him within the administrative structure of the church across central Missouri.

The shift was subtle, but clear. He was no longer simply serving a congregation - he was helping shape the direction of the church itself.

The year 1900 marked the height of that ascent.
Smith’s work now moved easily between settings. He appeared at school exercises, opened public programs with prayer, and continued to officiate marriages and funerals across the community. At the same time, his responsibilities within the church deepened. He served as a delegate to association meetings and was later named to the executive board—placing him among those responsible for guiding its work.

His voice, too, began to carry further. Before the Boonville Ministers’ Alliance, he presented a paper addressing the condition of Black Americans—a subject that echoed through newspapers across the country at the time. Not long after, he stepped into a different arena altogether. At a meeting of the Boonville Republican Club, he rose to speak in support of the party, delivering a brief but direct argument that was well received by those present.
It was a notable shift.

For the first time, his voice was heard not only in the language of faith, but in that of politics.
Yet even at this point, his role remained grounded in the life of the people around him.

In November of 1900, a union Thanksgiving service brought together members of Boonville’s Black churches at St. Matthew’s A.M.E. Church. Though a Baptist minister, Smith was chosen to deliver the sermon. It was a quiet indication of how he was viewed—not as a figure bound to one congregation, but as a voice capable of speaking to the community as a whole.

But the work ahead would carry a different weight.
In March of 1901, that weight took a new form.
At the Cooper County Jail, just a short distance from his church, Ellsworth Evans awaited ex*****on for the murder of Deputy City Marshal William Hennicke. As the date approached, Evans made a request. He asked for Reverend Hardin Smith.

Smith came—not once, but repeatedly. Over the course of the following weeks, he visited the jail nearly every day, sitting with the condemned man, speaking with him, and guiding him through his final days. In time, Evans was baptized. When the ex*****on came, Smith had been there through it all.

It was a different kind of ministry—quiet, difficult, and largely unseen—but it revealed a depth that would define the years that followed.

The demands did not lessen. In the months that followed, Smith continued to move between church, community, and region. He attended association meetings, helped organize events that brought visitors into Boonville, and took part in gatherings where Black citizens met to address shared concerns. At one such meeting at the courthouse, he opened the proceedings with prayer as resolutions were introduced and adopted—a reminder of the role he played at the center of both spiritual and civic life.

Beyond Boonville, his responsibilities grew as well. He traveled to serve on boards connected to church schools and maintained ties to Independence, where both family and property anchored him outside the city. He was no longer working in a single place, rather, he was moving within a network.

By early 1902, the strain of that life began to show.
At Morgan Street, financial pressures remained. Donations from the community reduced the church’s debt, but did not eliminate it. Revival meetings continued, and visiting ministers came to assist, but the pace of work did not slow.
At the same time, his mother lay ill in Independence.

For weeks, his wife remained at her bedside. In April, Smith himself made the journey, leaving Boonville to be with her as her condition worsened. It was a brief notice in the papers, but one that revealed the tension between his public responsibilities and private obligations. He was being pulled in both directions.

That spring, he returned again to the jail. This time, the man was Charles “Spinner” Reeves. Convicted of murdering his wife, Reeves awaited ex*****on in the same cell that had held Evans the year before. Like Evans, he asked for Smith. And once again, Smith answered—visiting daily, offering counsel, and overseeing his baptism in the final days before the ex*****on.

On Memorial Day of 1902, Smith stood before members of the Black Grand Army of the Republic and delivered an address at their cemetery observance. It was a moment that tied his voice to something larger—linking faith, memory, and the legacy of those who had fought for the Union.
Later that year, his standing reached its peak.
At the state convention of Colored Baptists, Smith was chosen to deliver the closing address. Before ministers and delegates from across Missouri, he spoke on the theme, “Bought With a Precious Price,” bringing the gathering to its conclusion.
It was a position reserved for those whose influence was widely recognized. He had reached that level.

In November of 1902, Smith tendered his resignation as pastor of Morgan Street Baptist Church. The decision was not immediate in its effect. He remained in place, continuing to guide the church while its business affairs were brought into order.

Through the early months of 1903, his presence did not diminish. He organized events, hosted speakers, and maintained the same steady leadership that had defined his years in Boonville.
But the direction had changed. In March of 1903, the end was announced. Smith would leave Boonville around the first of April. Some expected him to accept a new pastorate in Fulton, but Smith had also been offered a position with Western Baptist College in Macon—an opportunity that would carry him beyond the limits of a single congregation.

By June, that transition was complete. Smith was traveling once again, this time as a representative of the college, moving from town to town to secure support for its work.

For six years, from 1897 to 1903, Reverend Hardin Smith had stood at the center of Boonville’s Black community.

Not through a single defining moment—but through a steady accumulation of them.

In the church.
In the school.
In the meeting hall.
And in the jail.

And when he left, he did not leave behind an empty space. He left behind a community that had been shaped, in part, by his presence—and a reputation that carried him beyond it.

Yesterday I posted Part 1 of the story of Reverend Hardin Smith. Like many stories I write, it always ends up being bigg...
04/30/2026

Yesterday I posted Part 1 of the story of Reverend Hardin Smith. Like many stories I write, it always ends up being bigger than what I intended. It was supposed to be two parts - but it's going to be three.

Part two is going to focus specifically on his Boonville years and his leadership in the Boonville community. He preached from the pulpit of the Morgan Street Baptist Church (shown behind me).

I was drawn to tell his story through his interaction and ministering to Ellsworth Evans, a black man convicted of the murder of Officer William Hennicke. It turned out that Evans was not the only convicted killer Hardin Smith would provide Christian Witness too in the final months of their life.

It truly has been interesting to research the life of a man who was - in all likelihood - born into slavery, rose to become a minister, community leader, and early civil rights activists.

He's one of the reasons I enjoy telling these stories...they always introduce me to someone of whom I've never heard, but who is definitely worth remembering.

Thanks for reading,

Eric, M2 Historian

The Story of Reverend Hardin SmithPart I – The Rise and Return1848 – 1897In August of 1848, in the state of Missouri, Ha...
04/29/2026

The Story of Reverend Hardin Smith
Part I – The Rise and Return
1848 – 1897

In August of 1848, in the state of Missouri, Hardin Smith was born into a world that had not yet decided what freedom would mean. Early biographies indicate a birth in Blue Springs, but even the date of those early Baptist works are in conflict with his find-a-grave site which says 1854. His early years remain largely hidden from the record, but by the close of the Civil War and the dawn of Reconstruction, he had found his path.

In 1867, Smith experienced a religious conversion. One year later, in 1868, he was licensed to preach through the Second Baptist Church of Independence, Missouri. Like many Black ministers of his generation, he emerged from the upheaval of emancipation not only as a man of faith, but as a builder of community. His first known pastorate came at Lexington, Missouri, marking the beginning of a ministry that would soon stretch across central and western Missouri.

By April of 1874, Smith had taken the pulpit of the Morgan Street Baptist Church in Boonville. For the next seven years, he helped anchor one of the city’s Black congregations during a critical period of growth. His work there was visible, active, and public. In March of 1879, he led a baptism along the Missouri River at the foot of Main Street. One week later, reports noted that thirty-five individuals had been immersed in frigid conditions, the thermometer standing at twenty degrees. The moment spoke to both the devotion of the congregation and the presence of a minister capable of drawing them forward.

Smith’s ministry did not remain confined to Boonville. By the early 1880s, he had extended his reach into a wider circuit of towns and congregations. In April of 1883, while serving in Chillicothe, he presided over a large baptism at Jimtown, immersing thirty-eight converts before a crowd that included both Black and white observers. His address was praised on all sides, reflecting a reputation that had grown beyond any single community.

In the early part of that decade, Reverend Hardin Smith had become more than a local pastor—he was part of a generation of Black ministers navigating the uncertain ground left in the wake of Reconstruction. The promises made in the years following the Civil War were already being tested, and in many places, quietly rolled back.

In 1883, as legal and political shifts signaled a retreat from the protections and gains once afforded to Freedmen, Smith’s name appeared among those connected to a formal response drafted by Black leaders. These responses—often circulated through church networks, fraternal organizations, and conventions—were not merely religious in tone, but political in purpose. They articulated concern over the erosion of civil rights, called attention to injustice, and sought to organize both moral and communal resistance.

That Smith was included in such a response reveals the scope of his influence. He was not simply preaching to a congregation—he was participating in a broader dialogue about the future of Black citizenship in Missouri and beyond. In a time when many voices were being pushed to the margins, ministers like Smith remained among the most visible and organized leaders within their communities.

This was further demonstrated by his role in the institutional life of Black Missouri. By the mid-1880s, Smith stood among the leadership of several organizations that formed the backbone of community life in the postwar era. Within the Independent Order of the Knights of Tabor, he rose to the position of Grand Chief Mentor, and by 1886 he had been elevated to Grand Treasurer at the organization’s national convention. He also held office within African American Masonic circles, serving as Senior Warden in a Kansas City commandery.

At the same time, he remained deeply involved in Baptist life. He appeared in the proceedings of the Baptist General Association of the Western States and Territories, representing North Missouri congregations and participating in discussions that ranged from local church growth to international missions. His work carried him across Missouri and into Kansas, Illinois, and beyond, placing him within a network of ministers shaping the religious direction of Black communities throughout the region.

By 1888, Smith’s voice extended beyond the church and into public reform. From the pulpit in Kansas City, he preached against the dangers of alcohol, aligning himself with the growing temperance movement. In Independence, he took part in mass meetings and was appointed to an executive committee organizing an anti-saloon campaign. That same year, he was selected as an alternate delegate to the Republican League, demonstrating his role in the political life of the Black community. In these years, Smith stood at the intersection of faith, reform, and civic leadership.

But in the autumn of 1889, his career entered a period of crisis. Reports surfaced that a Masonic lodge had brought charges against him, prompting a formal investigation. Smith denied the accusations, but the matter did not quickly fade. Within weeks, another blow followed. In November, his home on North Main Street in Independence was destroyed by fire in the early hours of the morning. Though the cause was attributed to a defective flue, the loss came at a moment when his personal and public life were already under strain.

The controversy continued into 1890, culminating in a formal trial within Masonic circles. After more than a year of proceedings, the Grand Lodge upheld the decision of a subordinate body and expelled Smith from the order. The charges were described only as “irregularities,” and the specifics were not recorded in public accounts. The result, however, was clear. A man who had held high rank within one of the most important fraternal institutions of Black society had been cast out from it.

Yet the story did not end there.

By 1892, Smith’s name appeared once more—this time among a broad network of Black ministers and leaders engaged in a national call for prayer and protest against lynching. The movement, organized across multiple states and supported by figures such as Frederick Douglass and John Mercer Langston, reflected an early, coordinated response to racial violence. Smith’s inclusion among its supporters demonstrates that, whatever had occurred within the lodges, his standing within religious and reform circles endured.

In the years that followed, he continued his work in the ministry. And by 1897, the record brings him back to a familiar place.

In May of that year, the Morgan Street Baptist Church of Boonville—the same congregation he had served from 1874 to 1881—called him once again to the pastorate. In June, he appeared in Sedalia among the leading Black ministers and educators of Missouri, conducting devotional exercises at the Colored Women’s Baptist Congress. He was identified simply and clearly:

Rev. Hardin Smith, Boonville.

Continuing with a map I posted last night. It should give everyone an idea of what these topographic maps will look like...
04/27/2026

Continuing with a map I posted last night. It should give everyone an idea of what these topographic maps will look like. They are time consuming - even more so than the normal way I work on these.

The roadways here are based off a 1952 Topo Map. In the northwest quadrant you can see Crab Orchard Road. The road that runs through the center and cuts south in a near right angle is Clarks Fork Road. It crosses with Highway 87 - the original Boonville-Jefferson City Road.

Narrative research will commence again tomorrow.

Eric, M2 Historian

Address

Boonville, MO
65233

Website

https://mcneale.academia.edu/

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