Mid-Missouri History Associates

Mid-Missouri History Associates The home for central Missouri History and Research and the podcast: Chasing Memory!

The Story of William S. Jackson🏛 Part 7 – The Sudden Departure of a Rising Star (1877–1880)When 1877 opened, William S. ...
08/11/2025

The Story of William S. Jackson
🏛 Part 7 – The Sudden Departure of a Rising Star (1877–1880)

When 1877 opened, William S. “Bill” Jackson was firmly installed as Saline County Clerk, having fought his way through years of political distrust and factional infighting. Just the year before, he had survived one of the most contentious elections of his career—one that tested his political instincts, his public reputation, and his resilience in the face of relentless editorial attacks. Those disputes, fueled by his father’s legacy as Missouri’s secessionist governor and by Jackson’s own Civil War service as a Confederate guerrilla, had cast a long shadow over his ambitions. Yet by the start of 1877, the courthouse in Marshall was no longer the arena of political warfare—it was simply a place of work.

His first attempt to re-enter politics had been controversial, and it set the stage for that divisive 1876 campaign. In 1874, wary that his family name and wartime record might hurt him in a straight Democratic primary, Jackson had pushed for a county convention format, believing his extended family’s political clout could sway the delegates. On one hand, the maneuver worked—the convention was held. On the other, it failed—Jackson lost the nomination to J.R. Berryman, his longtime rival. That November, Jackson’s ally C.M. Sutherlin, running as a third-party “Radical” or Bourbon, captured the clerkship and promptly appointed Jackson as his deputy. When Sutherlin resigned in May 1876, Governor Hardin appointed Jackson to fill the vacancy—an act that sent his critics into a fury. In November, he stood before the voters in his own right and, to the surprise of some, won handily.

And by all accounts, he did well. Jackson’s name now appeared in the papers for the unremarkable but essential tasks of a county clerk—filing land deeds, recording official minutes, issuing licenses. Mentions of his past became increasingly rare. More often, he was cited for his role in the Grange, his support for expanding the railroad into Saline County, or his involvement with the Knights of Pythias. In March 1878, his wife’s name appeared among the many ladies who performed at a benefit concert for Sunday schools—a reminder that the Jackson family had integrated fully into the civic and social life of Marshall. He also served on the Saline County Fair Board, helping organize one of the community’s most important annual events.

By 1878, Jackson had quietly built a record strong enough to secure the Democratic nomination for another term as county clerk without significant opposition. When his name was printed on ballots that fall, it was accompanied in the press by phrases like “our efficient county clerk.” The election passed without fanfare, and his victory seemed almost inevitable. Even occasional mentions of his father’s stormy governorship failed to gain traction. The war years, for the most part, had receded into the background of public memory.

Fraternal ties remained central to Jackson’s public presence. He was active not only in the Grange but also in the Knights of Pythias, an organization that promoted mutual aid and community service. These affiliations broadened his network and reinforced his image as a man of the people—accessible, sociable, and dependable. His re-election in 1878 underscored that his wartime past no longer dominated his public identity. Saline County voters seemed more interested in his performance in office than in the politics of fifteen years earlier.

In August 1879, however, the past briefly resurfaced in an unexpected way. Fifteen years after his 1864 raid on Marshall had resulted in the burning of the courthouse, a petition appeared regarding county records—an ironic reminder that the very office he now held had once been the target of his wartime fire. Though no one said it aloud in the official proceedings, there must have been a few in the room who remembered the smoke rising from the square that day. The petition came and went without scandal, a testament to how far public perception had shifted. By early 1880, Jackson’s name appeared more often in connection with civic improvement projects and Democratic Party organizing than with any lingering war stories.

The year 1880 began with a flourish. In April, Jackson was elected alderman of Marshall’s 3rd Ward, adding municipal governance to his portfolio. That same month, he was chosen to chair Saline County’s delegation to the Missouri State Democratic Convention—a clear signal that his influence now extended well beyond the county courthouse. In speeches and meetings, he pressed for party unity, agricultural development, and infrastructure expansion. His political stock was rising fast; some even whispered that, if his trajectory held, he could be a contender for higher office in the years ahead.

Spring turned to summer, and Jackson’s schedule was relentless. Between clerkship duties, city council responsibilities, and party organizing, he was a constant presence in the public sphere. Then, without warning, the momentum stopped. On August 3, 1880, the Kansas City Times and other Missouri papers carried the stunning headline: “Death of W.S. Jackson—Prominent Saline County Official Expires Suddenly.” The cause was reported as “inflammation of the stomach”—a condition that, in an era before modern medicine, could prove swiftly fatal and which eerily echoed the stomach ailments that had claimed his father’s life. For a man whose existence had been defined by conflict, ambition, and recovery, the end came quietly, without the fanfare that had marked so much of his career. Tributes poured in from across the state, noting the contradictions of his life—a wartime raider turned steady-handed administrator, a rebel whose later years were devoted to building community institutions.

It is unknown whether Jackson knew before his death, but his wife was expecting their third child. On April 14, 1881—eight months after his passing—Van DeVere Jackson was born. His wife never remarried. Her oldest son lived until 1913 and is buried in the family plot at Sappington Cemetery, with descendants still living in various areas of the United States today. His daughter, Ethlyn, lived until 1964. The son he never knew passed away in Montana in 1963, where he had been living with his mother. She herself died in 1922 and was returned to Missouri to be buried beside her husband.

Bill Jackson’s life held no shortage of controversy, yet—when he had the opportunity—he exercised his office with consistency and competence. His career embodied a tension that Missouri itself wrestled with in the postwar era: the reconciliation of men once branded enemies into the fabric of public life. What Missouri would have looked like had a second Jackson held the reins of executive power is difficult to say. He would have been one of the few former bushwhackers to achieve a high government position. But his early death ended that possibility, and with it, the chance to see whether his brand of politics could have bridged the divide between rebellion and governance. In the decades that followed, his memory faded from the public mind—until now, when the story of his improbable journey from the power and privilege of his antebellum life - to his wartime bushwhacking - and to his postwar social and political rehabilitation - had once again been told.

Thanks for reading.

Eric, M2 Historian

Happy 204th to our state!
08/10/2025

Happy 204th to our state!

On this day in 1861, the man in the picture - my G-G-Great Grandfather - rode into battle with Company G of the Second M...
08/10/2025

On this day in 1861, the man in the picture - my G-G-Great Grandfather - rode into battle with Company G of the Second Missouri Cav in the Missouri State Guard.

Born in the 1820s, Logan was in his 30s, with a wife, three daughters, as well as his mother-in-law and other family members living under his roof. It is difficult for us today to envision the thoughts and feelings that went into leaving his family for war.

Logan's story ends in a different way from many, however. After Wilson's Creek and the Siege of Lexington, the Missouri State Guard found itself encamped in southwest Missouri and Arkansas. Many would serve at Pea Ridge and eventually join the Confederate service. But in January 1862, Logan was found elsewhere.

The other images here are the pass given him to pass through federal lines into the Union headquarters in California, Missouri. Here he took a loyalty oath. The oath he took reads as such:

I solemnly swear to support the Constitution of the United States and to defend the Government of the United States against all enemies whomsoever and not to give aid or comfort to the enemies of the said Government by word or deed and to support the Provisional Government of the State of Missouri under the penalty of confiscating all my personal and real property and to suffer the penalty of death - and I further solemnly swear freely and voluntarily without any mental reservation whatsoever to keep faithfully the above obligation.

--------------

This was a heavy burden on a man with a wife and three daughters. He was accompanied by a brother and a friend. Another document states the following:

Know all men by these Presents that I Logan Allee of Moniteau Co. as principal and we Alonzo Thorpe and Miles Alee - as surities are held and firmly bound unto the United States of America in the penal sum of Five Thousand Dollars to the payment of which well and truly to be made we bind ourselves our heirs executors administrators and assigns firmly by these Presents.

Now the condition of the above obligation is such that whereas the said Logan Allee principal has taken up arms against the Government of the United States of America and held the rank of first Lieut. in Company G 2d Regiment Sixth Division in the Rebel Army commanded by Maj. General Sterling Price and the said Logan Allee having returned to his home and taken the oath of allegiance to the United Staets of America.

Now if the said Logan Allee shall faithfully & truly keep said oath in letter & spirit then this obligation to be void otherwise in full force and effect.

Witness over hands and seals this 22d day of January A.D. 1862.
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Many loyalty oaths were administered during the four years of the war - it is doubtful that all who took them truly swore so freely and voluntarily without any mental reservation. Like many in Missouri, he was probably a Conditional Unionist. He likely took up arms against the Union because of his personal beliefs. Knowing what Missouri was becoming he must have faced a difficult choice - personal beliefs weighed against protection of family.

It may have been that he signed up to protect Missouri and the idea of enlisting and fighting out of state was more than he was willing to do. Either way, the $5000 bond he put up - along with Miles Allee and Alonzo Thorp - was over four times more than his estate was worth. If he broke that oath he would not only forfeit his property - leaving his family homeless - he would also forfeit his life. The property of Miles and Alonzo would certainly be lost as well.

I can only imagine what living out the years of 1862-65 must have been like with that sword of Damocles hanging over ones head.

History teaches us perspective. Logan Allee's is one side that is often not discussed. He survived the war and eventually fathered seven daughters. His lone son, Robert Lee Allee, died before turning one - and perhaps gives us an insight into Logan's post war views. He died in 1910 and is buried at Highland Cemetery in Moniteau County, Missouri.




The Story of William S. JacksonPart VI: The Reedemer Emerges (1875-1876)⚖️ A Rocky Start – The 1874 SetbackThe political...
08/10/2025

The Story of William S. Jackson
Part VI: The Reedemer Emerges (1875-1876)

⚖️ A Rocky Start – The 1874 Setback

The political comeback of Bill Jackson — former Confederate guerrilla captain and son of Missouri’s secessionist governor — began not with triumph, but with defeat.

In 1874, Jackson sought the office of Saline County Clerk, facing J.R. Berryman for the Democratic nomination. Jackson likely pushed for a delegate-based “convention style” nomination instead of a direct countywide vote because he feared that his family name and wartime record might hurt him in a straight popular race. Within a convention, the political power of his extended family could potentially sway delegates more than the general public.

The tactic partially worked, much to the anger of some Democratic newspaper editors. The county convention primary was adopted to decide who would be the democratic nominee for the Saline County Clerk — but in the end, Berryman defeated Jackson for the nomination. Jackson was heavily criticized and mocked for the failure and called a "Bolter" - someone who bolted from the unity of the party.

That November, C.M. Sutherlin - himself a Missouri State Guard citizen soldier and veteran of the renowned 2nd Missouri Cavalry - as well as a Jackson ally, ran as a “Radical” or “Bourbon” third-party candidate rather than a Democrat — and won. The Saline County Progress accused Jackson of being active behind the scene and trying to broker agreements between factions - a charge Jackson denied. He continued to stay active as the State Lecturer for the Grange and even set up another organization in Saline County. While his opponents respected his efforts with the Grange - they were about to explode for the next round of political maneuvering.

Upon taking office, C.M. Sutherlin appointed Jackson as Deputy County Clerk. For Jackson’s critics, this was nothing short of political backdoor entry — a man rejected by the convention now holding the second-highest position in the very office he had sought. Whether the Saline County Democrats liked it or not, the Jackson name was back in the political picture of county politics - with a statewide name known not just from recent history, but his respected work with the Grange.

🏛️ Moving to Marshall – A Political Reentry

In April 1875, the Saline County Progress announced that Jackson’s family was moving to Marshall. Not long after, he officially took up his position as Deputy Clerk under Sutherlin. During this period, Jackson also continued his statewide work with the Patrons of Husbandry (the Grange), serving as the state lecturer. This gave him a platform that kept his name in front of both rural voters and influential political networks across Missouri. His name appeared weekly in papers, signing off on and endorsing the business of Sutherlin's clerkship as well as making speeches to crowns of Grangers across the state.

By August 1875, county records show Jackson receiving public funds for the support of a local pauper known as “Black Jack,” possibly a former slave. While a routine matter, it kept his name visible in the local press. He also continued to be involved with infrastructure improvements through road improvements and railroad expansion.

🖋️ The Sudden Opportunity – May 1876

In May 1876, Sutherlin resigned as County Clerk. Sensing opportunity, Jackson traveled to Jefferson City to personally seek the nomination and was appointed County Clerk by the governor to fill the vacancy.

What could have been a smooth elevation to office instead reignited old political grudges. The Progress editorial board erupted in anger. To them, Jackson’s appointment smacked of backroom maneuvering. One editorial declared it “a fraud upon the people.”

The bitterness was compounded by the fact that Sutherlin himself had only won in 1874 by defeating the Democrat who had beaten Jackson in the convention — meaning Jackson now held the very office his opponents had worked hard to keep from him.

🔥 The Press War of 1876

Jackson served out Sutherlin's term - ably according to his supporters. His detractors kept the heat up, questioning financial reports from Sutherlin's term - and by proxy Jackson - that seemed to indicate higher financial compensation for allies than for potential opponents. Jackson's supporters called this a reach and fabrication. From summer into autumn, Saline County’s newspapers turned into political artillery pieces, firing pro- and anti-Jackson salvos. The back and forth became intense when Jackson announced his candidacy for the Clerkship of Saline County.

Anti-Jackson papers dredged up wartime accusations, including testimony from Mrs. Adelia Turner, who claimed Jackson stood guard during a wartime robbery of her family during 1863.

Berryman’s allies reminded voters of Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson’s controversial secessionist administration, arguing the son could not escape the father’s shadow.

One editorial bluntly asked: “Shall we endorse guerrilla rule?”

On the other side, pro-Jackson voices — including the Sweet Springs Herald and Weekly Caucasian out of Lafayette County and Lexington — worked to rally Democrats around him as the party’s nominee:

“Let us stand united,” one urged.

Affidavits appeared in print, clearing Jackson of the Turner robbery charge. Others accused Berryman’s camp of personal vendetta, writing that “old grudges die hard.” Saline County mirrored statewide and nationwide races. The 1876 election season is perhaps remembered as one of the most controversial and corrupt in American History - with threats of violence and fear of a new civil war. Jackson's opponents came at him hard - but he refused to back down - firing back at every opportunity, this time with words instead of bullets.

In the general election, Jackson found himself facing two opponents - a Democrat running as an independent against the Jackson Faction - and a Republican. The Democratic split threatened to allow the Republican to take a victory in Saline County.

🗳️ Election Day – November 1876

But it was not to be. Despite the relentless editorial fire, Jackson won the County Clerk race in resounding fashion, carrying every township in Saline County. His decade long efforts to rehabilitate his image, while meeting with mixed success, had been enough to finally return he and his family name to the seat of power. It was proof that, for all the talk of war records and family legacies, a well-organized campaign and network of allies could still carry the day.

Yet the campaign also revealed the deep divisions that Reconstruction-era politics had carved into Missouri’s local landscape. The Civil War might have ended 11 years earlier, but in Saline County’s 1876 election, it was still being fought in the pages of the press. But for the time being, Jackson held office. As Reconstruction came to an end and former Confederates began to hold political office throughout the South, some whispered that the Jackson name might once again find its way into tickets for statewide office - perhaps even the governorship his father once held...

Up Next - The Concluding Years of Jackson's life...

The Story of William S. Jackson Part V: From the Grange Hall to the County Convention, and Back Again (1871–1874)By 1871...
08/09/2025

The Story of William S. Jackson
Part V: From the Grange Hall to the County Convention, and Back Again (1871–1874)

By 1871, William S. Jackson’s family grew again as he and his wife welcomed their daughter, Ethlyn. His presence in public life was cautiously edging out from the long shadow of the Civil War. Once a prominent Confederate guerrilla leader, Jackson had spent the immediate postwar years navigating a fragile political climate in which former Confederates were often disenfranchised or viewed with suspicion. The Missouri Grange movement — an agricultural fraternity devoted to farmers’ economic and social advancement — provided a safer arena in which to rebuild his standing.

Jackson’s entry into the Patrons of Husbandry was more than symbolic. He was an active participant and, by 1873, served as Lecturer of the Missouri State Grange, a position that allowed him to travel, speak, and connect with rural communities across the state. The Grange was explicitly nonpartisan, but in postwar Missouri, its membership overlapped heavily with Democratic voters, and its leadership roles could provide a bridge back into political respectability.

By 1874, Jackson was ready to test the waters of county politics again. The office he sought — Saline County Clerk — was no small prize. Rather than push for a popular primary election among Democratic voters, Jackson aligned himself with those who favored a nominating convention, where delegates chosen from each township would decide the candidate.

This was a calculated move. Conventions, unlike direct primaries, allowed a candidate to concentrate on securing the loyalty of key township delegates rather than mounting a full county-wide campaign. If enough delegates were persuaded, a candidate could win the nomination without the uncertain risks of a popular vote. Jackson’s opponents later accused him of pushing this route precisely because it allowed for “management” behind closed doors. It was apparent while his image had gone through significant rehabilitation - his wartime activities were not completely forgotten.

The decision proved deeply unpopular with many rank-and-file Democrats, especially in rural Saline County. Critics derided the convention plan as “ring rule” and “trickery,” warning it could fracture the party. The county’s Progress newspaper claimed that “honest Democrats” wanted an open contest and saw Jackson’s choice as an insider’s gamble to sidestep a real test of his popularity.

When the Democratic convention met on August 19, 1874, Jackson’s gamble failed. He lost the nomination to J. R. Berryman — a setback that stripped away any claim to broad party confidence. Worse still, the loss handed his political enemies the perfect opening.

In the weeks following, Jackson was painted as a “chronic office-seeker” who had put personal ambition ahead of party unity. An allegation surfaced that he had approached the Democratic candidate for county attorney, Mr. Davis, with a proposal: if Davis would “let Sutherlin alone,” Jackson and his friends would withhold all opposition to Davis. The Progress used the charge to reinforce its portrayal of Jackson as a schemer, willing to barter political favors if it suited his ends.

In truth, such “wheeling and dealing” was hardly unusual in 19th-century Missouri politics. But Jackson’s failed convention bid had left him politically exposed — every rumor and accusation found fertile ground.

If the defeat bruised Jackson’s political ambitions, it did not end his public activity. He retained his position as State Grange Lecturer and continued to be a visible figure in that movement. His oratory skills, honed during years of political speaking and wartime leadership, were in demand at Grange events across Missouri.

On December 4, 1874, Jackson delivered a “truthful and eloquent” address at a local Grange gathering — a speech warmly remembered in the Saline County Weekly Progress. Whatever his critics in the political press thought of his motives, the farmers of the Grange still saw him as one of their own.

In the end, the years 1871–1874 show Jackson straddling two worlds: the cooperative, reformist arena of the Grange and the faction-ridden battlefield of county politics. His decision to seek office through a nominating convention was a high-stakes political maneuver — one that backfired and handed his opponents a rhetorical weapon they wielded freely. Yet, even after that defeat, Jackson’s continued leadership in the Grange proved that his rehabilitation in public life, while battered, was far from over.

Stay tuned for the conclusion....

Resharing some content. I'll have some of these for sale at Sterling Price Days next month.Here is the finished product ...
08/09/2025

Resharing some content. I'll have some of these for sale at Sterling Price Days next month.

Here is the finished product - Keytesville, Chariton County, Missouri - circa 1897 A.D.

This is an interesting map. In many cases, if the railroad did not come through the town the community shifted (see my map of Otterville and the location of the original town) or nearly vanished altogether (i.e. Georgetown which faded when the Railroad went through Sedalia).

Keytesville was different. This map shows the horsedrawn street car system and even has a picture embedded which allows one to see the horse drawn street car on the west border of the map. This street line ran nearly two miles through the town and south to the rail depot on the WABASH Railroad.

This map also shows the Jim Crow Era segregation that was found in every town during this time period. Like my map of Dalton last week, there are two cemeteries in Keytesville at this time. One was reserved for whites and the other for African-Americans. Today, those cemeteries appear blended (I've never visited, I am only going based off what I see on Google Maps). This era is also noted by the separate church communities found in the community.

Also of note was the mill to the west of town which was run with both water and steam power. I also was intrigued by the racetrack and grandstands at the fairgrounds to the south of the town. Banks, the Post Office, lumber yards, and other items of note are included in this map. I have tried to keep it as close to the original as possible.

The map will print on 12"x18" card stock. If you would like a copy the cost is $15 for the map and $10 for shipping. I will waive the shipping fee if you prefer to arrange a pick-up in the Boonville area. Size upgrades are available. 24"x18" prints are $50 each plus $10 for shipping. 36"x24" prints are available for $100 plus $10 shipping. Please contact me if you have any interest via e-mail at eric.mcneal@m2ha.org or by direct message.

If you like my work and content - please like and share it. Also give my page a like and a follow and share it with anyone who is interested in the local history of central Missouri.

Thank you!

Eric










08/08/2025

Hey everyone,

Today and tonight got busy. Tomorrow I've got my version of "open house" at school - so I am going to delay the final chapter of the life of Bill Jackson by a day or so. It will appear either Saturday or Sunday.

Thanks for understanding!
-E-

Have you ever driven past an old building and stopped—not just to admire its architecture—but to silently thank those wh...
08/07/2025

Have you ever driven past an old building and stopped—not just to admire its architecture—but to silently thank those who fought to preserve it for our generation? I know I have. Yet that appreciation, as genuine as it is, often overlooks the specific moments that unfolded there.

For Bill Jackson, one such moment took place outside the magnificent Thespian Hall. It was here that his life met a crossroads. On a winter night in December 1865, he stood before a group of German men who outnumbered him—members of the Turnverein, or “Turners.” To them, Jackson was not a neighbor returning from war. He was the man who had sacked and burned New Frankfort, a largely German community in northeast Saline County, the previous summer.

Jackson’s wartime record, though not marked by the extreme brutality of Quantrill or Anderson, was branded by radical newspapers as one and the same. They were dead. He was alive—and the label stuck. The Turners made it clear he was not welcome. Given one hour to leave town, he had just spent the day in a carriage ride with the young woman who would soon become his wife.

What happened next was a turning point. Within six months, Bill Jackson was no longer simply a “former bushwhacker.” He was married—and fighting alongside some of his former enemies to combat lawlessness in Saline County.

Today, we admire Thespian Hall for its survival, its graceful lines, and its brick pillars that have watched over generations. But pause for a moment and imagine how many other stories like this—moments of conflict, change, and reconciliation—have played out in its long shadow.

I’m fortunate to live in an area steeped in history. Over the past several days, I’ve been researching and writing about...
08/07/2025

I’m fortunate to live in an area steeped in history. Over the past several days, I’ve been researching and writing about people who once shaped this region—and remarkably, they now rest less than twenty minutes from my front door.

Pictured here is Sappington Cemetery in Saline County, where members of Dr. John Sappington’s influential family are buried. Among them are his three daughters, each of whom became the wife of Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson.

Governor Jackson himself lies here too. Originally buried in Little Rock after his death in 1862—when wartime authorities in Missouri refused his interment—he was reburied in this quiet cemetery after the war. He is one of two Missouri governors at rest here.

Also buried nearby is William Sappington Jackson, the Governor’s oldest son. He died at just 42, younger than his father, from what was called “inflammation of the stomach.” His father died of stomach cancer—likely, the two conditions were connected.

These visits are personal. Cemeteries evoke raw emotion—not because we expect to meet the dead, but because we recognize they once lived. They loved, struggled, laughed, and fought. Their ambitions and failures were real. And by telling their stories, we draw closer to understanding them—and the world they inhabited.

When I began researching Bill Jackson, I had no idea how deeply his life would connect with so many others—how one story would bring so many more to the surface.

A visit like this is more than paying respects. In some way, it’s saying thank you. Not because their lives were perfect—none of ours are—but because their stories bridge the gap to a world that’s forever just beyond reach.

And for that gift, I’m grateful.

The Story of William S. JacksonPart IV: From the Ashes - Rebuilding in Post-War MissouriWhen the Civil War ended in Miss...
08/07/2025

The Story of William S. Jackson
Part IV: From the Ashes - Rebuilding in Post-War Missouri

When the Civil War ended in Missouri, not every Confederate laid down arms to a warm welcome. For William S. “Bill” Jackson, son of Missouri’s Confederate governor Claiborne Fox Jackson, the end of hostilities in 1865 brought not peace—but a slow and public unraveling.

Bill Jackson spent the last half of the war as a guerrilla leader in central Missouri. After beginning the war assisting his father on diplomatic missions, Jackson drifted toward irregular warfare. He led raids with a small band of followers and fought alongside other pro-Confederate bushwhackers. In August 1864, he personally led a raid that resulted in the burning of the Saline County courthouse in Marshall, and later exacted brutal retribution on the town of New Frankfort following the ex*****on of one of his men. By war’s end, Jackson had gained considerable notoriety.

In May 1865, Jackson and a band of followers surrendered at Glasgow. Initially, he refused the amnesty oath required to remain in Missouri, claiming status as a regular Confederate officer. Military authorities hesitated—uncertain whether to treat him as a soldier or a guerrilla. Some confused him with Jim Jackson, another notorious fighter with a darker reputation. Both men had occasionally ridden under Captain Holtzclaw, further muddying their identities. Eventually, Jackson relented and swore the loyalty oath, receiving parole. His name appeared on a Missouri parole list attributed to Shreveport, Louisiana—a clerical center used to process scattered Confederate surrenders.

But Jackson’s troubles were only beginning. Days after his parole, the sheriff of Saline County arrested him on indictments issued by a local grand jury. The charges included burning the courthouse, destruction of public property, and other wartime crimes committed under the Confederate banner. He was jailed in Boonville under guard and released that fall on a $2,000 bond—a sizable sum at the time.

For a time, Jackson attempted to reintegrate. He made several quiet visits to Boonville that summer and fall. But not everyone welcomed him back. In early December 1865, he arrived in town, took a young woman for a carriage ride, and later appeared at a public event at Thespian Hall. His presence shocked Unionist residents. That evening, a local committee led by Lt. Col. Ludwig, a Union veteran, confronted him. As Jackson returned to the hall, he was halted at the door.

Jackson was defiant. He declared he “would like to see anybody make him leave,” reaching toward his revolver. Ludwig was quicker. “Jackson, you are armed—raise your hand instantly,” he ordered. Jackson complied. His weapon was confiscated, and he was given one hour to leave town.

He left in disgrace.
The revolver was sent to military headquarters.

A few days later, the Boonville Eagle published a story titled “Bill Jackson, the Bushwhacker.” It painted him as a “notorious individual” whose presence at the social gathering was an insult to the community. A Radical paper in St. Louis mocked the of southern supporters, accusing them of glorifying bushwhackers like Jackson, Quantrill, and “Bloody Bill” Anderson, and praised Missouri’s new Radical governance for bringing peace, law, and prosperity.

That Christmas season of 1865, Jackson likely realized that the world in which he had been raised was gone—and it wasn’t coming back.

🔹 A New Path – 1866

In early 1866, Jackson’s name appeared in an unexpected place: a civic committee aimed at suppressing outlaws. The “Honest Men’s League,” a postwar association of respected men—both Union and Confederate veterans—had formed to help bring peace to the countryside.

Now referred to as “Colonel W. S. Jackson,” he rode with Deputy Sheriff Sappington (possibly a relative) and Captain George Bingham, a Union officer who had once faced Jackson in battle near Arrow Rock. Their attempt to capture a group of thieves failed—but the symbolism was potent: a former guerrilla turned citizen, working with former enemies to restore order to the same region he once set ablaze.

That spring, Jackson married Lucinda “Lutie” Van DeVere on March 29, 1866. In 1860, she had been a 16-year-old orphan living in Boonville. She may have been the very woman Jackson had escorted before the incident at Thespian Hall. Their marriage marked the first true return to civilian life that Jackson had seen since the war began.

🔹 Slander and Struggle – 1868

Peace did not mean ease. Jackson disappears from the papers in 1867, but likely spent the year sorting the complex estate of his late father and stepmother. Former Confederates often saw their properties seized, especially when tax payments had lapsed. Jackson faced such difficulties.

In April 1868, the courts ordered the ex*****on sale of Jackson’s land. Along with associates James C. Wood and J. S. Hopkins Jr., Jackson lost hundreds of acres across Saline County—likely fallout from wartime inheritance issues.

That year, he also became the target of political attacks. A veiled editorial in the Marshall Banner accused him of inciting violence. Jackson responded sharply in the Saline County Progress, unleashing a verbal onslaught:

“The miserable miscreant... the infamous, villainous, and cowardly thing... the thing who occupies the editorial chair,” he wrote.

He defended himself passionately:

“My acts during the war have been before the courts... and by the courts I have been honorably discharged from the commission of any crime...”

It was a blend of bitterness and pride. Jackson would not fade quietly. He insisted on being seen not as a relic of the war, but as a man of order and honor—publicly and legally vindicated.

🔹 Legal Victories and Family Growth – 1869

In January 1869, Jackson’s family grew with the birth of William S. Jackson Jr., affectionately called “Will.” The moment signaled hope—a new generation and a potential new beginning.

Later that year, Jackson shifted from defense to offense. He filed a lawsuit for partition in W. S. Jackson et al. v. L. M. Bradford et al., likely concerning disputed family lands. By December 1869, final judgment was entered in his favor. Commissioners were appointed to divide the land. The courts had sided with him.

He was no longer just defending his reputation—he was asserting it, through proper channels, and winning.

🔹 Reclaiming Respectability – 1870

By 1870, Missouri’s Drake Constitution—with its harsh ironclad loyalty oath—was being dismantled. The Supreme Court had ruled it unconstitutional, and former Confederates were once again entering public life.

In September 1870, Jackson was listed as one of Arrow Rock’s subscription agents for the newly centralized Marshall County Fair, a symbol of community cohesion and agricultural pride. His role was modest, but meaningful: Jackson had moved from guerrilla and defendant to fundraiser and civic organizer.

🔥 Disaster at Fox Castle – November 28, 1870

Just as Jackson appeared to find stability, tragedy struck.

On November 28, 1870, his home at Fox Castle burned to the ground. In early December, Jackson wrote to the Aetna Insurance Company:

“Am glad to acknowledge the prompt settlement and payment in full of my insurance policy... [after] the frame dwelling was consumed by fire...”

A local resident confirmed the loss: kitchen goods, bedding, furniture—everything was gone. Yet the publication of Jackson’s testimonial was also symbolic. His public praise of the insurer positioned him once again as a respectable voice in the community.

đź§­ A Journey Shared by Many

William S. Jackson’s postwar journey from 1866 to 1870 reflects the complex human terrain of Reconstruction:

🔹 From outlaw to law enforcer
🔹 From debtor to petitioner
🔹 From political pariah to civic fundraiser
🔹 From landholder to fire victim—still present, still rebuilding

His story mirrors the lives of many ex-Confederates—especially those from politically prominent families—who returned to a changed Missouri. Initially forbidden from seeking public office - he had to rebuild his reputation and image in the eyes of his community. His efforts paid off as he outlasted the laws designed to exile him and others like him from power.

By the close of 1870, Bill Jackson was still here.
Still litigating.
Still writing.
Still rebuilding—brick by brick, claim by claim.

Up Next: Part V - The Last Decade of William S. Jackson

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