Bronzeville / Black Chicagoan Historical Society

Bronzeville / Black Chicagoan Historical Society Bronzeville Historical Society was started in 1999 by a group of Black history enthusiasts. Each of

African American historical society that preserves documents, photographs, memorabilia and cultural practices of black Chicagoans.

04/27/2026

Chuck Berry: "The first song we recorded for Chess was “Ida May.’’ Leonard suggested that I should come up with a new name for the song, and on the spot I altered it to “Maybellene.’’

Leonard had arranged for a lyricist/musician, Willie Dixon, who’d written many of Muddy’s tunes, to sit in on the session, playing a stand-up bass to fill out the sound of the music. Electric bass instruments were yet to come and Willie, stout as he was, was a sight to behold slapping his ax to the tempo of a country-western song he really seemed to have little confidence in.

Each musician had one mike, excepting the drummer, who had three. I had one for the guitar and one for my vocal, which I sat down to sing because a chair was there and I thought that was how it was supposed to be done. We struggled through the song, taking thirty-five tries before completing a track that proved satisfactory to Leonard. Several of the completions, in my opinion, were perfectly played. We all listened to the final playback and then went on to record the next song which was “Wee Wee Hours.’’ By then it was mid-afternoon. Around eight-thirty that night we finished the recording session. “Maybellene,’’ “Wee Wee Hours,’’ “Thirty Days,’’ and “You Can’t Catch Me’’ were the songs completed. Leonard sent out for hamburgers and pop and we lingered an hour picnicking, an ordeal that became a ritual with Leonard bearing the tab.

Chuck Berry: The Autobiography

Photo: NBC

A tragic desecration ......
04/26/2026

A tragic desecration ......

The full story is now being told of how a tiny clump of moss helped investigators crack the macabre case of grave robbing at Burr Oak Cemetery.

04/26/2026
With Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture – I just made it onto their weekly engagement...
04/23/2026

With Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture – I just made it onto their weekly engagement list by being one of their top engagers 🎉

04/22/2026

Man I miss skating…

04/20/2026

The 1971 Nevada welfare cuts eliminated 3,000 families from the rolls on a Tuesday. The mothers didn't hire lawyers. They shut down the Las Vegas Strip.

Ruby Duncan was thirty-eight years old. She had a fifth-grade education and a torn knee.

She used to clean rooms at the Sahara Hotel in Las Vegas. The work was invisible, measured in folded towels and emptied ashtrays. One afternoon, she slipped on a patch of grease in the hotel kitchen.

The hotel management let her go without severance. She couldn't stand for long periods. The casinos wouldn't hire her back.

That was how she ended up on state assistance. She was raising seven children in a segregated housing project on the Westside of Las Vegas, Nevada. The neighborhood had dirt roads and open ditches. It was only three miles away from the neon glow, but it operated as an entirely different world.

In the winter of 1971, the state decided to tighten its budget. The welfare director, a man named George Miller, announced a sudden crackdown. He claimed the system was rampant with fraud.

The department didn't conduct individual interviews. They didn't review case files or speak to the mothers. They ran a newly installed computer program to identify discrepancies and mailed the envelopes.

The Nevada welfare cuts were designed to be permanent, a bureaucratic sweeping of the books.

The letters arrived on a Tuesday. The termination was immediate.

If the letters stood, three thousand women would have zero dollars for rent, heat, or food by the first of the month. In 1971, a gallon of milk cost $1.18. Rent in the Westside was $60 a month. These families had no alternative safety net.

The women gathered in the recreation room of a community center. Some held the state envelopes in their hands. They had no savings to lean on. They had no union representation in the national welfare rights movement.

Ruby stood at the front of the room. She didn't have a background in political organizing. She had a background in surviving.

"We can't fight them in the courts," she said.

The courts took years. The rent was due in nine days. She owed two months of back rent the morning she stood up to speak.

They needed a lever. They looked across the city, past the railroad tracks, toward the boulevard.

The state government was up in Carson City, four hundred miles away. It was insulated and out of reach. But the money that ran the state government was right down the street.

The casinos.

At the time, the Nevada gaming industry operated in a carefully curated bubble. Tourists came to the desert to forget reality, not to be confronted with poverty. According to local ordinances from the era, demonstrating on the Strip was functionally illegal. The sidewalks were routinely classified as private property owned by the hotels. A protest wasn't just a disruption of traffic. It was a disruption of the state's primary economic engine.

The state welfare board defended the cuts publicly. They stated the system was bloated. They argued that the state budget had to be maintained at all costs.

They expected the mothers to absorb the blow silently, as poor women in the Westside historically did. The power dynamic relied entirely on their invisibility.

One mother brought her eviction notice to the local welfare office. She showed the paperwork to the man behind the glass. The clerk slid it back across the counter and called the next number.

Ruby walked out of the office. She didn't file an appeal. She didn't write a letter to her congressman.

She went back to the housing project and started making phone calls. She called women in the Westside. She called organizers in other cities.

On March 6, 1971, the mothers marched out of their neighborhood.

There were hundreds of them at first. Then the crowd swelled into the thousands. They walked past the rail yards. They crossed Interstate 15.

They brought their children. They wore their Sunday clothes. They linked arms.

The local police lined the boulevard. The Clark County Sheriff had deployed his entire daytime shift. They stood with nightsticks ready.

Ruby kept walking.

It was the Strip. Millions of dollars a day. Unregulated cash. The absolute center of Nevada's political power.

They didn't just stand on the sidewalks holding signs. They walked straight through the heavy glass doors of Caesars Palace.

The security guards didn't know what to do. There was no protocol for hundreds of mothers entering a casino floor.

The women marched past the baccarat tables. They walked through the slot machine aisles. They sat down on the thick velvet carpets in front of the roulette wheels.

The pit bosses froze. The dealers stepped back from the tables. The tourists stopped pulling the levers.

Some of the tourists stared. Others complained. The mothers did not move.

The noise of a casino is a continuous roar of coins, bells, and shuffling cards. For the first time in years, the floor of Caesars Palace went totally silent.

The mothers stayed.

They moved to the Sands. Then they marched into the Sahara.

They formed a human chain across Las Vegas Boulevard. They blocked the taxicabs. They stopped the limousines from reaching the valet stands. They forced the city's main artery to close entirely.

The casinos began losing thousands of dollars a minute. The gambling had stopped, but the overhead costs were still running.

Hotel executives called the governor in Carson City.

They didn't ask him to arrest the women. There were too many of them, and arresting mothers in front of tourists was incredibly bad for business.

They asked him to fix the problem.

They couldn't vote the governor out of office. So they stopped the money that kept him there.

It took less than two weeks of sustained economic pressure.

A federal judge ordered the state of Nevada to reinstate all three thousand families to the welfare rolls. The judge ruled the sudden terminations unconstitutional.

The state complied. The checks were mailed. The power dynamic shifted.

Ruby Duncan went back to the Westside. She didn't sign a movie deal. She didn't go on a speaking tour.

She spent the next forty years building a medical clinic, a library, and a daycare for her neighborhood. She built the infrastructure the state had refused to provide.

She never held public office.

The Sahara Hotel, where she once slipped on the kitchen floor and lost her job, eventually changed hands. It underwent massive renovations.

The kitchen floor was replaced. The casino expanded its footprint.

The boulevard still runs straight through the desert, glowing loud enough to be seen from space. The money never stops moving.

Ruby Duncan: the mother who shut down the Strip.

Source: Ruby Duncan and the Clark County Welfare Rights Organization.
Verified via: The Nevada Women's History Project, University of Nevada Oral History Archives.
(Some details summarized for brevity.)

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