SAFTU Independent, Militant and a Democratic Federation South African Federation of Trade Unions
(1)

26/05/2026
26/05/2026

Zwelinzima Vavi, SAFTU General Secretary input to the Union Against Hunger Press Conference held on the 07 May 2026, Nelson Mandela Foundation
Programme Director, comrades and friends,
As workers, our starting point will always be the lived experience of the working class.
We do not analyse hunger from boardrooms.
We analyse it from factory floors, mine shafts, farms, warehouses, hospitals, classrooms, taxi ranks and working-class homes.
And what are workers telling us today?
They are telling us that even when they have jobs, they cannot survive.
This is the era of the working poor.
Workers wake up at 4am.
They travel long distances.
They work exhausting shifts.
They build this economy with their labour.
Yet at the end of the month they cannot afford food.
The latest Pietermaritzburg Economic Justice and Dignity Group figures show that the average Household Food Basket now costs over R5,400 per month, while a basic nutritious basket costs around R6,600 per month.
Yet the national minimum wage translates into roughly between R4,800 and R5,800 a month depending on hours worked.
In other words, a minimum wage worker cannot even afford a basic nutritious food basket before paying for transport, electricity, rent, school uniforms or debt.
PMBEJD shows that electricity and transport alone consume around 58% of the national minimum wage for many workers before food is even bought.
Now compare this to social grants.
The Child Support Grant is only R560 per month — nearly R300 below the Food Poverty Line of R855 and far below the estimated R965 needed monthly to feed a child a basic nutritious diet.
The SRD grant remains a scandalous R370 per month — barely enough to survive for a few days in today’s economy.
This means millions of unemployed people and mothers are expected to survive on grants that are nowhere near the actual cost of food.
That is institutionalised hunger.
And the result is devastating.
Research shows that millions of households are now forced to reduce meal sizes, skip meals and remove nutritious foods such as meat, eggs, vegetables and fruit from their diets because they simply cannot afford them.
More than 11 million South Africans survive below the food poverty line of R855 per person per month — less than R28 a day.
Nearly one in three children under five — 28.8% — are stunted because of chronic malnutrition.
The Department of Health records around 1,000 child deaths linked to malnutrition every year.
Think about that carefully.
Children are dying from hunger and malnutrition in one of the richest countries on the African continent.
At the same time, food prices continue escalating:
maize meal, cooking oil and basic staples have risen dramatically in recent years, while vegetables, potatoes and proteins continue becoming unaffordable to poor households.
And while workers and the unemployed suffer, corporate executives continue enriching themselves.
The CEO of Shoprite reportedly earns more than R87 million a year while many retail workers cannot afford the food they pack, transport and sell.
That is not merely inequality.
That is organised economic violence.
The rich speak about “market confidence” while workers speak about empty pots.
And we must be honest:
this crisis did not fall from the sky.
It is the result of decades of neoliberal policies:
privatisation,
deindustrialisation,
casualisation,
labour broking,
wage suppression,
austerity,
and the destruction of decent work.
Permanent jobs were replaced with precarious labour.
Young people were abandoned into an economy of unemployment and hopelessness.
Today South Africa has one of the highest levels of youth unemployment in the world.
That is why SAFTU’s Section 77 demands call for massive public investment in youth employment programmes, apprenticeships, artisan training, industrialisation and socially useful public works to give young people work, skills and hope instead of despair.
And comrades, because those in power fear the anger of hungry masses, they now encourage scapegoating.
They want poor South Africans to blame immigrants for unemployment and hunger.
But workers know the truth.
Immigrants did not destroy factories.
Immigrants did not impose austerity.
Immigrants did not create starvation wages.
Immigrants did not loot municipalities and state-owned enterprises.
The problem is an economic system that places profit above human life.
That is why SAFTU says the struggle against hunger is inseparable from the struggle for decent work, living wages and economic justice.
We therefore demand:
• an immediate Basic Income Grant of at least R1,500 per month for the unemployed and working poor;
• an increase in all grants to at least the food poverty line;
• food price regulation and action against profiteering;
• mass public employment programmes;
• support for small farmers, cooperatives and informal traders;
• an end to austerity cuts;
• and a comprehensive programme of industrialisation and decent work creation.
We reject a society where workers produce wealth but live in poverty.
We reject a society where children go hungry while billionaires display obscene wealth and conspicuous consumption.
And we warn:
no society can remain stable when millions are hungry.
History teaches us that hunger eventually becomes anger.
And anger eventually becomes resistance.
Food is not a privilege for the rich.
Food is a constitutional right.
Thank you.

26/05/2026

Fight for the right to sufficient food.

A call on all progressive forces to join
26/05/2026

A call on all progressive forces to join

26/05/2026

Dailymaverick logo
MAVERICK CITIZEN
WORLD HUNGER DAY
High food prices are driving hunger in SA: What can be done?
Food Justice
Whether South Africa’s food system is “broken”, as some argue – or is functioning well but only to the benefit of a minority – it clearly is not meeting the needs of a growing majority who simply cannot afford to buy enough nutritious food.

Multiple authors
By Stephen Devereux, Andrew Bennie, Marc Wegerif, Yondela Mahlathi, Oscar Sithole and Mark Volmink
25 May 2026
High food prices lead to food insecurity, where unemployed or poor working families have difficulty accessing enough cheap, nutritious food.
Informal vendors selling vegetables in Buhle Park, Johannesburg. (Photo: Felix Dlangamandla)
DIVE DEEPER
Everyone has the right to sufficient food, guaranteed by the South African Constitution. But more than half of South Africans are food insecure, because their incomes are too low and food prices are too high – and the number of people going hungry is rising, even as World Hunger Day 2026 approaches.

Statistics quantify the scale of the food crisis. The United Nations estimates that the proportion of undernourished people in South Africa trebled, from 3.3% to 10%, between 2006 and 2024. Almost 11 million South Africans live below the food poverty line of R855 per person per month, surviving on R28 or less per day. More than one in 4 children under five (28.8%) have stunted growth. The Department of Health records a shocking 1,000 child deaths owing to malnutrition every year.

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But statistics don’t explain why people are hungry. Unemployment and the poverty it creates are obviously major drivers. A related issue was discussed at a recent symposium in Johannesburg: high prices that make food unaffordable. The impact of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz on global fuel, fertiliser and food prices is a reminder of why urgent action is needed. The symposium brought together researchers, civil society activists and government officials to analyse why food prices are high, rising and unstable, and to brainstorm solutions to making nutritious food affordable for all.

The food affordability gap

Because most South Africans buy rather than grow their food, access to food depends on two things: incomes (how much money they have) and prices (how much money they need). The gap between individual or household income and the cost of a nutritious diet is the “food affordability gap”. Interventions to improve access to food can address either side of this gap: incomes can be raised, or food prices can be lowered, or both.

Why food prices are so high

Higher food prices are driving hunger in South Africa, where the unemployed and working poor are the most vulnerable.
By building a more equitable food system – including making space for small enterprises (SMEs) in farming, agro-processing, distribution and retailing – the government can improve food affordability. (Photo: Felix Dlangamandla)
Most food moves through long supply chains, from production to processing to distribution, both wholesale and retail. At each stage, firms add costs and profit margins or markups, which shape the final prices paid by consumers. In South Africa, food prices are also affected by shocks to the food system, both domestic (for example drought, load shedding, foot and mouth disease) and global (Covid-19, wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, tariffs). These shocks are transmitted through the supply chain, pushing up consumer prices. Moreover, prices do not always fall when costs decline. For example, in 2025, maize producers and maize-meal retailers in South Africa captured excessively high margins, by failing to pass cost reductions on to consumers.

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Market structures also matter. South Africa displays high levels of corporate concentration across the food system, with a few large firms controlling how food moves, how prices are set and who captures value. For instance, the “big five” supermarket chains dominate the formal retail sector. Large firms can bring benefits of scale and efficiency, but they also hold enormous power in the food system. This attracts risks such as cartels colluding to profiteer, as with the bread price-fixing scandal in the early 2000s.

Price monitoring reveals that the cost of a basic food basket has increased by 33% since 2021 – maize meal and cooking oil increased by close to 50% – and is consistently higher than the national minimum wage or the Child Support Grant. Some basic food items are zero-rated for VAT, but this is not sufficient to offset the income-reducing effects of inflation, which has risen faster for zero-rated than non-zero-rated foods, suggesting opportunistic behaviour by corporates.

Animal-sourced foods are the most expensive food group in South Africa, followed by vegetables and fruits. Starchy staples, oils and fats are the cheapest but the least healthy. People in poverty can afford only poor diets, setting up a vicious cycle of intergenerational transmission of malnutrition that requires systemic, coordinated interventions to address.

READ MORE
Fuel and fertiliser costs drive up the price of a basic food basket
May 4, 2026

What should be done?

During his annual State of the Nation Address in February 2026, President Ramaphosa announced: “This year, we will embark on a mission to end child stunting by 2030.” Making progress towards this ambitious target will require interventions across both the income and food prices dimensions of the food affordability gap.

Strategies to raise income

Raising government grants would help to close the food affordability gap in South Africa and stem food insecurity,
Food insecurity spikes in the week before social grant payments every month, as those depending on these grants run out of money for food. (Photo: Deon Ferreira)
Social grants are a key government policy for addressing food insecurity, but they are insufficient for recipients to afford a healthy diet. Food insecurity spikes in the week before social grant payments every month, as those depending on these grants run out of money for food. The Child Support Grant (R560) and the Social Relief of Distress grant (R370) should immediately be raised to the food poverty line (R855), then to the cost of a nutritious food basket (currently R965 for a child). All grants should be pegged to inflation to retain their purchasing power as food prices rise.

The first 1,000 days of life, from conception to two years, are critical for lifelong physical and cognitive development. To address maternal malnutrition, low-birthweight babies and early childhood malnutrition, the government should introduce a Maternal Support Grant to allow pregnant women to purchase more nutritious foods. Considering the high exclusion rate from the Social Relief of Distress grant, there is a strong case for the government to introduce a Universal Basic Income grant for the unemployed and the working poor.

Strategies to reduce food prices

In addressing food insecurity in SA, the government could consider asking supermarkets to freeze prices of essential foods.
The UK government has just asked supermarkets to freeze prices of essential foods in response to their cost-of-living crisis. (Photo: Andy Rain / EPA-EFE)
Nutritious foods compete for the money in people’s pockets against alternatives that are cheaper, more convenient, highly processed (longer shelf-life, less preparation), more addictive (sugar, salt, fat) and unhealthier.

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Access to nutritious foods must be facilitated by interventions to make them more affordable, as advocated by Grow Great’s 10 Best Buys Campaign, and promoted through education campaigns.

The UK government has just asked supermarkets to freeze prices of essential foods in response to their cost-of-living crisis. The government of Mexico adopted a more direct approach, requiring supermarkets to provide a basket of 24 basic food items at a capped maximum price. President Ramaphosa wrote in October 2025: “The ‘Big Five’ retail companies can and must play a far greater role in making nutritious food more affordable for South African households.”

Improving food affordability requires the government’s taking steps to build a more equitable food system. This includes curtailing market power through tougher enforcement of competition regulations, more transparency in pricing behaviour of dominant actors and opening spaces for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in farming, agro-processing, distribution and retailing.

The food symposium highlighted the need for longer-term structural reforms, such as:

Investing in existing municipal markets and new local food markets;
Creating regulatory and physical space as well as infrastructure for informal food trading;
Reducing dependence on imported agricultural inputs;
Accelerating land reform; and
Establishing food reserves.
Whether the food system is “broken”, as some argue, or is functioning well but only to the benefit of a minority, it clearly is not meeting the needs of a growing majority who simply cannot afford to buy enough food.

The symposium concluded that a variety of coordinated interventions is needed. These must both increase the incomes of those in poverty and also keep food prices as low and stable as possible. Symposium participants agreed that there is much that can be done and needs to be done, to make food affordable. With the right commitment, it is possible to deliver on the President’s promise to end child stunting. It is possible to achieve the constitutional right to food for all, and eradicate hunger. DM

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FAWU has called on Shoprite to issue R3,000 monthly food vouchers to all employees, reduce staple food prices, and improve working conditions. The union highlights that Shoprite makes around R20 million profit per day while many workers face poverty wages, deepening inequality and hunger in South Africa.
Read on https://tinyurl.com/3mcn4ebt

22/05/2026

SAFTU ON THE LATEST CRIME STATISTICS: SLIGHT DECLINES CANNOT MASK A DEEPENING SOCIAL CRISIS

The South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) notes the latest quarterly crime statistics released by the Acting Minister of Police. While the reported decline in certain categories of violent crime is welcome, these figures cannot obscure the harsh reality faced daily by millions of working-class South Africans who continue to live under conditions of fear, violence, and insecurity.

SAFTU welcomes the reported decline in murder cases by 9.5%, the 8.5% decrease in r**e cases, the 4.6% decline in overall contact crime, and the 15.6% reduction in robbery with aggravating circumstances. Any reduction in violent crime, particularly murder and gender-based violence, must be welcomed because behind every statistic lies a human life, a traumatised family, and devastated communities.

However, the levels of violence remain catastrophically high. South Africa is still recording approximately 58 murders every single day and more than 110 reported r**es daily. In other words, by the end of every 24-hour period, dozens of families are mourning loved ones brutally killed, while over a hundred women and children are reporting horrific acts of sexual violence.

These figures expose the scale of the social crisis confronting working-class communities and reflect a society that continues to endure pervasive violence, fear, and insecurity.

These developments, alongside intensified policing initiatives such as Operation Shanela and various reform programmes, suggest that certain interventions may be beginning to yield limited results. However, these gains must be viewed in context. The overall levels of crime remain among the highest in the world.

What is particularly revealing is not only the persistence of crime, but its distribution. Provinces such as Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, the Western Cape, and the Eastern Cape continue to account for over 80% of all murders and contact crimes, highlighting the concentration of violence in specific regions. Gauteng alone recorded 1,253 murders in just 90 days, averaging nearly 14 murders per day, while KwaZulu-Natal recorded 2,158 r**e cases, underscoring the scale of gender-based violence.

In the Western Cape, gang-related violence continues to dominate entire working-class communities, effectively placing areas such as the Cape Flats under conditions of criminal control.

Meanwhile, in the Eastern Cape, farmworkers and rural communities remain exposed to ongoing violence and insecurity.

This pattern is not accidental. It reflects the structural inequalities that define South African society. Crime is concentrated in townships, informal settlements, and working-class communities where poverty is deepest, unemployment is most entrenched, and state capacity is weakest.

The fact that the top police stations for murder and r**e are located in areas such as Delft, Umlazi, and Mthatha confirms that the burden of crime falls disproportionately on the poor. In these communities, police stations remain understaffed and under-resourced, while short-term policing operations fail to deliver sustained safety.

SAFTU therefore rejects the notion that crime can be resolved primarily through intensified policing. While visible policing may produce temporary statistical improvements, it does not address the underlying drivers of violence. One cannot police poverty away through intermittent enforcement campaigns.

Crime in South Africa must be understood as a manifestation of deeper socio-economic conditions, including mass unemployment, inequality, inadequate housing, failing public services, substance abuse, and systemic social exclusion.

The persistence of these conditions is closely linked to the macroeconomic framework adopted by the state. Austerity policies have systematically weakened the capacity of the public sector to respond effectively to both crime and its root causes. Budget constraints have resulted in insufficient policing resources, overwhelmed courts, deteriorating social infrastructure, and collapsing public services.

At the same time, the broader economy continues to exclude millions, particularly young people, from meaningful employment, creating fertile ground for crime and social instability.

The crisis is further compounded by failures within the criminal justice system itself. Inefficiency, corruption, and outdated processes have led to massive case backlogs and alarmingly low conviction rates, particularly for serious crimes such as r**e.

This discourages victims from reporting offences and erodes public confidence in the justice system. Continued reports of corruption within policing, prosecutorial structures, and sections of the judiciary further undermine the credibility of institutions meant to uphold justice.

In this context, the reported decline in crime statistics, while welcome, must not be misinterpreted as evidence of systemic progress. South Africa remains caught in a vicious cycle in which economic exclusion fuels crime, and crime in turn reinforces social instability and economic stagnation.

SAFTU therefore reiterates that a meaningful and sustainable response to crime requires a decisive break from austerity and a shift toward a developmental state model. This must include large-scale public investment in job creation, housing, education, healthcare, youth programmes, and infrastructure, alongside the rebuilding of state capacity in policing and the justice system.

The recruitment of additional police officers, the modernisation of court processes through technology, and the strengthening of anti-corruption mechanisms are necessary interventions, but they will only succeed if accompanied by broader socio-economic transformation.

Ultimately, the question of crime in South Africa is inseparable from the question of inequality.

A society characterised by extreme disparities in wealth, opportunity, and living conditions cannot achieve lasting safety. Until the structural drivers of poverty and exclusion are addressed, crime will remain a persistent feature of the social landscape.

SAFTU therefore cautions against any complacency arising from declining crime figures.

The task before the country is not merely to reduce statistics, but to transform the conditions that produce them. A safer South Africa will not be achieved through policing alone, but through justice, dignity, decent work, and the creation of a society in which all people have access to meaningful livelihoods and humane living conditions.

A statement was issued on behalf of SAFTU by the General Secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi.

For media inquiries, contact the National Spokesperson at�Newton Masuku�newtonm@saftu.org.za�0661682157

Media Officer �Asive Dyani�0719019564

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